год 2010-й - более 30.000.000 обращений

We do not need to go much further into historical retrospect, as it would be enough to mention that for centuries Rus, or Russia has been a nucleus of agglomeration progress going on the huge expanse of Eurasia inhabited by hundreds of nationalities. As a matter of fact, it was a manifold process of peaceful affiliations and blody military conqests of new lands and peoples, sometimes by destroying the statehood and freedom of the advanced and well-off nations.

Notwithstanding the Soviet Union's collapse, Russia has maintained her political significance in the world affairs, remaining a permanent member of the UNO Security Council and a super-power. Along with the geopolitical position and possession of nuclear arms as factors to render Russia a super-power status, there are her demographic potential, natural resources and high scientific and technical capacity. On the whole, Russia will be a fundament of the CIS with its population half and 60 percent of NGP total for strengthening the economic community now being under formation.

By all her political and geostrategic views, the Russian Federation would not be distanced from the CIS events. By and large, her world position may as well be estimated as a capacity to bridge Europe and Asia and keep up the CIS stability. Any kind of self-isolation might be damaging to her international image and national security. Russia's exclusion from the formation, as well as instigation of ill-will between the newly-emerged states and Russia, are both undesirable and unreal. Indeed, Russia's active participation in the CIS economic development will be very much essential for further stabilization in the zone, meanwhile her partnership, but never an exclusive dominancy, might provide substantial and mutual economic gains. Furthermore, the peace and well-being in the region would serve Russia's long-run interests and give a real meaning to the Commonwealth of Independent States.

Unfortunately, there is no common opinion and unique position among the ruling, political and scientific elite of Russia on the aims of integrational process, the CIS development perspectives and estimation of current events. In the President's recent message on national security to Russia's Federal Assembly, the contingency of uncontrollable desintegration is named 'a most destructive challenge' to the domestic peace. It is a factual reflection that the top Russian leadership are immediately concerned with the integrational future.

Now if we look at the new system of international relations, we will have to admit that the present world configuration is no longer ruled by ideological attitudes (be it anti-communism or Russophobia), but by material and economic interests and strivings to gain a most advantageous position on a capital, commodity, services, labour, information or any other world and regional market. Meanwhile, the major players are no longer represented by the developed world nations like the United States, Japan, Germany and China alone, but by mega-corporations, multi-nationals and integrational giants.

Russia is trying to integrate into the world economy in the circumstances, when her competitive power is extremely low. Her machine-building and metall-working quota in the national economy dropped to 18.3 percent, while in China, the USA, Germany and Japan it is 29.5, 39.5, 48.1 and 50.2 percent respectively. Generally speaking, the dominant figures of the Russian export chiefly fall on gas, oil and other national resources, rating her foreign trade in line with that of the under-developed countries.

There are many objectives urging Russia to be active in the economic integration field with the CIS partners. It is dictated, firstly, by the long-time integrational traditions, territorial specifics and ramified cooperation at a level of entreprises, industrial units and industries. The Russian manufacturers need a capacious, practically guaranteed and relatively unassuming market for their products underrated on the highly competitive world market. Therefore any whatsoever temporary and slightest yielding the positions on the CIS market might appear irreversible for Russia in view of the espansive trade and investment policy of the third nations.

Secondly, Russia could largely profit by the desire access to the vast and unique raw material deposits in the former union republics of Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan. Equally, that might be advantageous and quite timely for her to off-set the industrialized nations in their competitive pursuit that is kindled out there and is expected to expand. Thirdly, it is impossible to maintain a good freight service out to the third lands without cooperation with 'the near abroad' neighbours. After the USSR desintegration many of the railway, automobile road and pipe-line crossings at the ex-Soviet border and the Europe-oriented sea-ports are now under jurisdiction of the new owners. Presently it is the two thirds of sea-borne freight turnover that is being done via the now-alienated sea-ports. The disruption of traditional transit communications is ensued with big economic losses. At the same time, any ventures to create new sea outlets and outer communication facilities of her own would be very costly and hard indeed on the Russian finance.

Generally, it is thought that the position expressed in the message by the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly will finally be overwhelming. It says, "We should never forget the major point: in Russia's view the economic integration on the CIS expanse is a natural process for its participants to gain profitable objectives. We are ready to use all of our potential to activate the process. But Russia must be sure of the partners' eagerness to join it. We will never appreciate any appeals and wrong-doings that might balk anyone's own national intersts, and this is the only wise basis for equal and mutually beneficial CIS relationship."

All those interested in attending the Conference are kindly requested to apply to: 103064, Moscow, Furmanny Per. 14, Build. 4, Human Rights Institute,  tel./fax (095) 208-3301, e-mail: kalandarov@ropnet.ru